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Page F80From§Each · the Money book27 September 2026

Money

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White House claims $250 billion in unverified fraud savings while quietly dropping its own NIH grant order.

The ledger arrived first. On September 27 the New York Times ran the numbers on the White House's fraud task force against the case files behind its headline figure of $250 billion. Some share of that total — the paper does not give a clean percentage, only says the ledger "includes" it — is cases that were identified and went to trial during the Biden administration. That is not new fraud caught. That is old fraud re-filed under new letterhead and counted twice.

Five days earlier, on September 22, a second number came in on a separate column. JD Vance told Fox News his task force would remove 750,000 people from ObamaCare rolls and save taxpayers $2.2 billion. Run the same audit against Vance's $2.2 billion that the Times ran against the $250 billion, and the same gap opens: a total with no visible receipts under it, hon.

That audit trail was still open on September 23, when Senator Susan Collins, who chairs Appropriations, told The Hill the White House was backing off its own plan — an executive order that would have handed the Office of Management and Budget direct control over National Institutes of Health grants. Collins had spent the week pressuring OMB over exactly that order. It was withdrawn quietly.

Reconcile the three entries and the pattern is arithmetic, not conspiracy. Two ledgers claim savings in the billions and neither survives a source check. One order that would have given the administration direct, checkable authority over a federal grant stream was pulled the same season, under pressure, with no number attached to what was gained by dropping it.

The task force can find $250 billion when the cases were already tried by somebody else's Justice Department. It can find $2.2 billion when the recipients are already off the rolls before anyone counts them. What it could not hold onto, this month, was the one order that would have put its own hand on the ledger it says it is auditing. The savings are unverified. The retreat is dated and on the record.

The receipts (3)

Outsourcing firms take eleven percent of all public spending under the government that pledged to end outsourcing

You will want to know what went wrong here, and the answer is nothing. Nothing whatever. The public sector spent one hundred and twenty-nine billion pounds last year on services provided by outsourcing firms, and those firms retained an estimated six billion of it as profit. Estimated, mind you — profit on a public contract is not a figure the public is handed unbidden. Close to eleven percent of all public expenditure now goes to private firms. Eleven percent. Not skimmed, not diverted: invoiced, and paid, against terms somebody signed.

You are thinking of the pledge. Labour did pledge to bring services back in house, and the £129bn stands beside it, both true at once, which is rather the point of a contract — it outlives the enthusiasm of whoever announced it. A rentier does not need to win the argument ... the paper need only remain in force.

Earlier this month, executives at Humana and UnitedHealthcare indicated plans to cut benefits and exit certain plans to boost profitability. The same instrument, a different accent.

Six billion pounds. That is what delivery costs when the deliverer has shareholders.

The receipts (3)

Rich seek repeal of Washington's millionaire tax before year one; New York's tax brought millionaires in

The item on my desk says Washington State voters will get a chance to accept or reject the 9.9 percent income tax on millionaires the Legislature approved, the one that broke the state's taboo against levying income taxes. The tax has not finished a year. The ballot measure arrived anyway, so let's do the arithmetic the repeal argument rests on.

The argument is departure. The clearest wording I have for it comes from New York, from the hedge fund manager Bill Ackman, who said last year that "it only takes a handful of successful people to leave to decimate the city's tax base." That was said about the prospect of a mayor who would have rich locals pay more to help fund services. The Gristedes chief executive, John Catsimatidis, was in the same stream of warnings, and so was Fox News. Panicking was the word used.

On September 10 the finding came back. New York raised taxes on the rich and more millionaires moved in. That is the result, and it points the other way from the warning. A handful leaving is a number. More arriving is also a number, with the opposite sign. I am not calling that a surprise, because I have no receipt saying anyone was surprised.

Five days later, on September 15, Fox News ran a list under the headline "Forget paying your 'fair share' of taxes. Here are 5 ways politicians want even more." The count of five belongs to the headline; the summary names four of them — capital gains tax increases, wealth taxes, estate tax changes and surtaxes. A departure count is not among the four. The September 10 finding is not among them either. The list and the finding ran five days apart, and only one of them carries a result.

There is an older drawer here as well. On Tax Day 2023, a group of millionaires published a column under their own names arguing that people like them should pay more, and observing that for many of the nation's wealthiest, Tax Day is just another Tuesday. That column has been sitting on the record for three years.

So here is the reconciliation, the way I would file it. Washington has one rate, 9.9 percent, on one group of filers, with under twelve months of its own data. New York has the comparable move and a published result, and that result runs against the repeal. The ballot asks voters to settle the question before Washington's own column has a number in it. The evidence on the table belongs to another state, and it argues the other side.

The receipts (4)

Energy Department, having delivered 65 billion barrels and record prices at the pump, announces it is going global

The word in the Examiner's piece is broadening. Chris Wright, 61, is broadening a traditionally domestic-oriented department, and some people are calling him the international energy secretary, and I want to be clear that "some people" is not us. We did not put that out. We are not unhappy with it.

Here is the arc, since you asked for the arc. August 28: Common Dreams reports the Secretary of State and the deputy White House chief of staff in talks with Venezuela's acting president, Delcy Rodríguez, over an ownership stake in more than a dozen oil fields, with Congress called on to stop it. August 30: the president says Venezuelan oil will replenish American reserves, which one critic called mobster language, and I'd call inventory management. September 1: Democracy Now ran the question as "The Biggest Oil Deal or Theft at Gunpoint?" A question. With a question mark. Which means it remains open. September 6: Secretary Wright denied that anyone was taking Venezuela's oil one hour after saying the country is forced to work with us. An hour is a long time. Positions evolve in an hour.

Now the deliverable. Majority control of 65 billion barrels, 35 percent of the stake held by the Pentagon, nine months after the military removed Nicolás Maduro and Cilia Flores from Caracas. Flores, Venezuela's former first lady, asked on September 11 to be released from a Brooklyn jail over a heart condition, which is a humanitarian file and not an energy file, and I would appreciate it if you kept those on separate pages. The barrels are secured. The barrels are ours. The barrels have not —

Sorry. The barrels have not turned up in the price of a gallon. Timing. Infrastructure. Downstream. I said "yet," and if I didn't, hear it.

Because over Labor Day the American driver paid a record $4.15, and more than six months after the war with Iran began — the war whose opening closed the Strait of Hormuz and spiked energy prices worldwide — the president spent a Wednesday post weighing whether to rename that strait after himself, hotter, he wrote, than ever before. That is morale. Morale is an input.

So the department broadens. Nuclear buildout at home, oil fields abroad, and the secretary holding court in Caracas while diesel climbs toward a record — toward the record, at the record, I am not going to litigate the preposition with you when the number is already —

Did I say that? That doesn't sound like me. What I said is the position is strong. Positions take time to monetize. Ask again in a quarter.

The receipts (46)

Trump terminates mileage rules, bills it a big day for consumers; the wire calls it a boost for automakers

The federal rule that required automakers to clean up their fleets died Saturday night. It was two years old. Trump said he had approved new fuel economy standards terminating it, and called the occasion a BIG DAY for workers and consumers. The wire, following the administration, printed its name in quotation marks: the EV mandate.

It was born in 2024 as a set of pollution standards for automakers' fleets, written, The Hill explains, to be difficult to meet without adding electric cars to the lineup. That is not a trick; that is the ordinary shape of a standard. You set the number a little above where the industry is standing, and the industry walks to it. Whether the buying public wanted the walk is an argument worth having, and I would have liked to have it somewhere other than a Saturday night.

It is survived by gas-powered cars and light trucks. The New York Post reports the rollback gives automakers more freedom to build them. Note whose freedom. The New York Times reports the new standards would kill a federal effort to speed the transition to electric vehicles. Effort is the honest word. An effort is something a government does on purpose and can stop doing on purpose.

It is preceded in death by the climate rules for coal- and gas-fired power plants, which the EPA gutted on the fourteenth of this month — most of them, though not all, and The Hill noted the final rule had been announced while its underlying text had not appeared. Three days before that, on the eleventh, the D.C. Circuit struck down the Energy Department's order keeping the J.H. Campbell plant at West Olive open past its planned retirement, holding the department had gone beyond its authority. Three days after, the Natural Resources Defense Council, the American Lung Association, the American Public Health Association, the Clean Air Council, Clean Wisconsin and the Environmental Defense Fund sued over that rollback.

The malarkey in all this is the word terminate, which suggests a villain removed rather than a table of numbers deleted. What died this month is dull as a phone book: mileage figures, emission ceilings, the penny-ante arithmetic that decides how much of a paycheck the tank takes. Losing that is the kind of shit that arrives quietly, one fill-up at a time, years after the announcement.

In lieu of flowers, ask the six organizations already in court whether their suit has room for a person who fills a tank.

The receipts (8)

President rejects Iran's seven-day offer to reopen the Strait and reschedules the bombing for after the midterms; his U.N. ambassador goes on Fox to say the $6.48 diesel came from Ukraine

I wrote down everything that came across the wire on Thursday the seventeenth. Just that one day. In order, the way it reached me, and then I'll stop.

Every Democrat in the Senate except Senator Fetterman signed a letter pressing Secretary Hegseth for a cost breakdown of the war in Iran. The Pentagon's policy chief, Elbridge Colby, briefed the Senate Armed Services Committee behind closed doors, and lawmakers of both parties came out saying they had not gotten clear answers. Fox News published a poll: seventy percent of voters say the president lacks a clear strategy, sixty percent say the military action was the wrong decision. The U.N. fact-finding mission on Iran reported "reasonable grounds" to believe the United States committed war crimes in two airstrikes; the Times wrote that the mistakes behind the deaths of more than a hundred children "went beyond negligence." U.S. officials told CBS that Iran had downed at least two American drones. Iran called the American account of an Air Force colonel's rescue "fictional and unacceptable." And the President told Axios, "I have a big decision coming up. Do I want to go in and annihilate them, or do I not?"

That's the list. That's one Thursday.

The item I had to read twice is the letter, because a letter is what you send when you have already asked. The Hill called it largely symbolic. Eight months in, the Senate was writing away for a number.

Now — my car quit on the ramp at the toll plaza Tuesday. The belt. It was the belt in March, too. The shop towed it in, and before the kid put a wrench on anything he handed me an estimate: parts, labor, tax, total at the bottom, my copy of it in yellow. I keep those in the glovebox. Four years of them in there, folded around the registration, a couple of them with cigar ash on them, and every one of them says what the work would cost before the work happened. For three hundred and forty dollars a man I have never met itemizes it in advance. So I'm asking, and I'm not being smart about it: is there a sheet like that for this war that Congress has been handed? The only figure I have in the notebook is the Congressional Budget Office's, on the fifteenth — nearly forty billion, and the office called that conservative.

Friday, diesel closed at $6.48 a gallon, against $3.68 a year ago. That same Friday the United Nations ambassador went on Fox News Live and said, "What we're seeing in the war in Ukraine is that it is spreading to the global economy, and it's all the more reason that the president wants the war to stop." I wrote it down as he said it. Back on the fourth, when diesel set the record at $5.85, an economist wrote, "Trump did it! Diesel hits a new record high!" — and on the Saturday, Axios reported that the Republicans' own internal polling showed voters placing blame for the price hikes on the President, with one GOP operative saying, "Diesel's at an all-time high." Which war did the party's own polling name?

Friday in New York, Iran's foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, told reporters that a deal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz was up to the United States, and that Iran was ready to make peace: seven days, then negotiations toward a lasting end. Saturday morning the President rejected it. From Doonbeg, Ireland, on September 13, he had already floated the post-midterm timeline, and on the 9th The Hill reported he had admitted the war would not end before the midterms. Seven days, answered with a schedule.

Hold the door one second, would you. Sorry. I do this. The letter asked the Secretary for the breakdown, and I don't have his answer in here. I have the one a private firm published, and forgive me for putting the same figure in front of you twice in one sitting: if I sit down tonight with the estimates out of the glovebox and total what this year took out of my house, whose paper am I working from — the Pentagon's, or Moody's, one thousand seven hundred and sixty dollars?

The receipts (80)

The president priced a Republican Congress at $5,000 an adult, the Treasury secretary told the House the department is examining whether Congress is needed, and 750,000 Americans lost their health coverage that week.

The authorization requirement — the plain old arrangement in which Congress votes and then the Treasury spends — died Tuesday in a hearing room, before lunch. It is survived by an examination at the Treasury Department. A rule dies and no casserole comes. That is the shit of it: it takes two sentences and a lunch break.

Here is the week, laid out the way we lay these out.

On Wednesday the ninth, at the party's midterm convention in Dallas, the president said American adults would receive $5,000 if Republicans keep control of Congress come November. By Thursday the tenth the Washington Examiner had an explainer up — "Trump's promised $5,000 'dividend' checks: What to know" — the sort of clean work a paper does when it believes something is going to happen. Late that Wednesday, hours after the president spoke, Bret Baier put the total to the vice president on Fox, roughly $1.3 trillion, and said critics would call it bribing voters. "I can hear the critics' heads exploding," Baier told Vance.

Then the objections came in on schedule, from his own side, which is how the arrangement was supposed to work. Friday, Susan Collins called the proposal "extraordinarily costly" and noted it carried no income cap. Saturday, at the Kansas State Fair, a debate moderator put the cost at $1.2 trillion and asked the two candidates where they stood; Roger Marshall appeared to shift. Sunday, Mike Flood said the priority should be funding the troops and replenishing stocks amid the Iran war. Lawler, the same day, deflected and asked how you pay for it. The Hill printed Monday what the president had said Sunday outside Air Force One: the checks will "happen 100 percent" if the GOP keeps its majority. That same Monday, National Review called the dividend reckless and said the checks would make inflation worse and echo the sort of "socialism" the president decries, and Guy Benson said on Fox News that conservatives would scream "bloody murder" if a Democratic president offered a dividend to maintain power. Also that Monday, MAGA Inc. deployed the vice president to Kansas to help Marshall, whose race the Cook Political Report rates likely Republican.

Six days of arguing about the price. That part is penny-ante.

By Tuesday The Hill had the fiscal hawks on the record: they would not support giving away money to people who don't work or pay taxes. And on Tuesday, before the House Financial Services Committee, Secretary Bessent said Treasury was examining whether the money could be issued without authorization from Congress. In the same testimony he defended a faltering bond-market intervention. That was the death. Not a vote lost, not a bill killed — a department saying out loud that it is looking into whether the vote is required, while the members whose votes it needed were still on television explaining they would not give them.

Senator Bernie Moreno was still trying it the long way, with legislation, funded through market access fees. Somebody ought to note that. It used to be the only way, and a whippersnapper reading this in ten years will want to know it was tried.

The authorization requirement is survived by 750,000 Americans removed from their health coverage. Your check is promised for November. The coverage ended in September.

It is preceded in death by the $1,776 checks that went to service members, which the president offered as the precedent for this one.

In lieu of flowers, ask whoever wants your vote in November to say, on the record and before any check is printed, whether the Treasury may spend money Congress has not voted.

The receipts (80)

Priced by the budget office at $38 billion, a figure it calls conservative, the war is being paid at the pump by the farmer who voted for it and now says he can't stay in business.

The line is farmers first, and the line holds. Walk the week with me and you will see it holds.

Tuesday the 15th, the Congressional Budget Office closed its books and priced the war at $38 billion. In a federal budget that is a rounding er— it is not a rounding error, I would never say that, it is $38 billion of real money, and the Budget Office calls that figure conservative. Conservative is our word. It means careful. It also means the number has room to go up, which is not the point I was making. The point I was making is that we are careful.

Wednesday the 16th, the Speaker sent the House home a day earlier than scheduled for a seven-week recess so members could "go home to their districts and make the case to the American people." Representative Massie, of our own party, says the early adjournment blocked his impeachment effort against the Secretary. Both things can be true. One of them is a calendar. Also Wednesday, Truthout reported the President has made more stock trades since 2025 than all 535 members of Congress combined, more than 80 trades per market day in his first 17 months. That is confidence in American markets, and confidence is what the farmer needs right now, which is a sentence I would like back.

Thursday the 17th, Moody's Analytics estimated that U.S. consumers have spent $121 billion extra on energy alone since the war began less than eight months ago, an average of $1,760 a household. That is not policy, that is the market, and the market moved because Iran shut commercial shipping traffic in the Strait of Hormuz in response to our strikes, which is context, and context is not causation, and I would appreciate it if you cut the second half of that clause.

Also Thursday, the U.N. fact-finding mission on Iran said it found "reasonable grounds" that the U.S. military committed war crimes in two airstrikes inside Iran, and The New York Times reported the mission found that mistakes leading to the deaths of more than a hundred children "went beyond negligence." The same mission accused Iran's government of crimes against humanity against its own citizens. The White House responded to the report. I want the whole record in the room, and that is the whole record.

That same Thursday, every Senate Democrat except Senator Fetterman signed an open letter to Secretary Hegseth pressing him for a cost breakdown of the war. The Hill called it largely symbolic and said it reflects frustration. Also Thursday, Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby briefed the Senate Armed Services Committee behind closed doors, and lawmakers of both parties came out saying they did not get clear answers on the National Defense Strategy or the ongoing war. Our own senators. So the people with the clearances cannot get the number either, which is — that is a briefing problem, not a war problem. A Fox News poll the same day found 71 percent think the administration lacks a plan to end the Iran war and 60 percent now call the military action the wrong decision. Polls move.

Thursday the President told Axios' Barak Ravid: "I have a big decision coming up. Do I want to go in and annihilate them, or do I not? It's a big decision. Anything could happen with me."

Friday the 18th, Matt Bell, who has farmed in North Carolina for more than half his life and voted for the President, told CBS News that farmers are "all just in survival mode," that they were "sold a bill of goods," and that "I can't stay in business." Friday, Senator Tillis, who voted to confirm the Secretary, said: "He needs to go." Costco has capped motor oil purchases.

The line is farmers first. The Budget Office says $38 billion, conservatively. Mr. Bell says survival mode. Both figures are official.

The receipts (80)

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