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Page T5From§Each · the Travel book31 August 2026

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DHS and ICE deny torture, beatings, and 'terrorizing kids'; deportees recount all three anyway.

This reporter has reviewed the Department's statement and can confirm the Department is correct: there is no policy of torture, beatings, or medical neglect in ICE detention. There is, per the Department, only a series of isolated incidents, none of which constitute a pattern, each investigated separately, none connected to any other, in facilities that operate under the same national contract with the same national training and the same national numbers, but not connected.

The border czar was equally clear on the separate matter of children. When a sitting senator said ICE is 'terrorizing little kids,' the czar fired back, and this reporter will note that firing back is itself a form of denial, which is different from evidence, which — this reporter did not mean to draw that distinction, please disregard.

What this reporter can say with confidence is that deportees flown to Liberia have described their treatment at length, in detail, on the record, to a national newspaper, and that this description happens to track closely with the things the Department says did not happen. This is what the Department would call a coincidence of language. A person less charitable might call it a corroboration. This reporter is contractually the charitable one.

It should also be noted that none of this involves this reporter's employer directly, except insofar as this reporter's employer is the one holding the press conference, drafting the denial, and briefing this reporter on what to call it. That is a lot of insofar.

The Department's position, stated plainly, is that the system works, that oversight exists, that neglect is not policy, and that anyone who says otherwise is describing a small number of unfortunate exceptions inside a facility network the Department declines to name in full. This reporter finds that position defensible. This reporter also finds it, on the fourth read, indistinguishable from a description of the thing being denied. Both statements can't be fully true at once — actually, they can, if you don't ask which incidents. This reporter recommends not asking which incidents.

In closing, the Department wants Americans to know detention is humane, lawful, and monitored, and that the accounts from Liberia are not representative. This reporter has no numbers to indicate how many accounts would be required before 'not representative' stopped applying. That number, this reporter has been told, is not something the Department tracks.

The receipts (1)

Homan denies ICE terrorizes children, then says of deportees: 'get them out quick'

Look, nobody serious is saying ICE is out here terrorizing children. That's advocacy language, that's Senate press-release language, and Director Homan addressed it directly, on the record, no dodging. He said the agency does not target kids. That's the position. That has always been the position, going back as far as this reporter can — as far as I can recall being told to say. The 'get them out quick' line is about efficiency, about not letting cases sit in backlogs that critics love pointing to as proof of some ongoing 'crisis.' We're just moving faster. Faster is compassionate, if you think it through — less time in custody, less waiting, less— actually, no, the quote wasn't about custody time at all, it was about a specific removal, a single case. Forget I said that. The point stands: kids are not the target; people flagged for removal are the target, and when someone's flagged, the instruction from leadership is to move. That's not cruelty. That's process. Anybody trying to stitch a denial about children into the same paragraph as a separate quote about a separate deportation is doing what critics always do, which is manufacture a storyline out of two news cycles that don't belong together. One is a policy defense. One is a single case, a guy who — wait, why does everyone keep acting like one removal is representative of a pattern? It's one case. It's not evidence of anything about how families move through the system, and I will stand by that completely, even though — even though I suppose the actual phrase used was 'them,' plural, not 'him.' Fine. Setting that aside. The agency's position is that every removal follows established procedure, every claim involving a minor gets reviewed, and if outlets want to allege otherwise they're welcome to file the appropriate request instead of running a headline off two quotes stitched together from the same week. That's the statement. That's the whole statement, and this reporter is required to read it exactly as written, which he has now done, mostly.

ICE's border czar denies arresting kids at bus stops; the agency's real move: deporting Afghan allies to Africa.

Let's separate fact from noise, because a Connecticut senator's claim and an established deportation program have gotten unhelpfully tangled together in the coverage today, and I want to untangle them one at a time.

Claim one: that ICE made arrests at school bus stops. The border czar has rejected this claim directly, on the record, and I think that should carry weight. Agencies don't typically issue rejections of specific claims unless they're confident in the underlying facts, and I have no independent reason to doubt that confidence. I'll also note that a flat denial from the agency doing the thing being denied is, generally speaking, considered dispositive in these situations — or, well, it's considered one input. It's an input. I don't want to overstate what a denial actually settles.

Claim two, and this is the one I actually want to spend time on: the third-country deportation program, which the agency has expanded to include Africa as a destination for people including Afghans and others. Now, I want to be careful with the word 'others' there, because it's doing a lot of work, but the program itself is a lawful mechanism. It exists because certain individuals can't be returned to their countries of origin for various reasons, and a third country accepts them instead. That's the entire mechanism, and describing Afghan nationals — some of whom, again, we should acknowledge, aided U.S. military operations — as being routed to a country they have no prior connection to is technically accurate, but 'technically accurate' and 'the headline' are doing different jobs here, and I recognize that.

So here's where I land: one claim was denied by the agency in question, and one program is real, expanded, and includes people who worked alongside American forces now being sent somewhere they've never been. I don't think those two facts belong in the same sentence, professionally speaking, because one of them makes the denial in the other look like it's protecting something. I didn't say that. Strike that from the record. I have nothing further.

The receipts (1)

DHS denies torture, beatings in ICE custody; deportees to Liberia recount harrowing expulsion details

The Department of Homeland Security this week issued a full and unambiguous denial: no torture, no beatings, no medical neglect occurring in Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention, period, and this reporter finds no reason not to take the Department at its word, because that is what a denial is for.

Border czar Tom Homan was similarly direct, firing back at Senator Chris Murphy's claim that ICE is 'terrorizing little kids' with the kind of clarity you'd expect from a man confident in his agency's record — the agency does not target children, it targets removable individuals who happen in some cases to be children, which is a different thing entirely, and if that distinction sounds thin, that's because — no. That's not what this reporter meant to say. The distinction holds.

As for the deportees sent to Liberia who gave a detailed account of their treatment during expulsion to the New York Times — 'harrowing' is the word used, and this reporter will note that harrowing is a descriptive term, not a legal finding, and descriptive terms do not by themselves establish the specific allegations DHS denies, which are torture, beatings, and medical neglect, none of which — actually the account does describe treatment consistent with at least some of that language. That's an unfortunate overlap. It happens. Denials and firsthand accounts can exist in the same news cycle; that is what an ongoing review is designed to sort out, and DHS has said the matter is under review, which this reporter can confirm because DHS said it.

The point stands: the Department denies it. The deportees describe it. The border czar disputes the characterization of it. Somewhere between those three sentences is where this reporter is instructed to land, and he is landing there, on the denial, because that is the assignment. Whether the account from Liberia and the denial from Washington can both be filed as accurate is a question for people with more time than this reporter has been given, and frankly less faith in a press office that has never once been wrong before — except, this reporter notes, for the times logged in this same paragraph.

The receipts (1)

Homan denies ICE terrorizes kids, then boasts deportations get carried out quick.

This desk has said it before: the men and women of Immigration and Customs Enforcement do a difficult job, and Director Homan's response to a sitting senator's claim that the agency 'terrorizes kids' was, and I want to be precise here, a full-throated, evidence-based rebuttal. He took the claim head-on, as reported, and made clear the agency follows procedure at every stage of a — well, at every stage of a removal. That's the word. Removal.

Now, some will point to the Director's own comment on a separate case this month, where he told reporters the goal was simple: get them out quick. And look, quick doesn't mean unsupervised. Quick means an agency that isn't wasting taxpayer time on paperwork when there's a job to do. Did I just compare a child's due process to paperwork? That's — that's not what I meant to say. Strike that.

What I mean is, the Director's position is not in conflict with itself. An agency can move fast and also not terrorize anyone. Those are two separate policy questions, occupying two separate press cycles. The senator's claim was about children specifically, and 'get them out quick' was about a public figure's individual case, so any reader drawing a line between 'the agency prioritizes speed' and 'moving at speed makes it less careful with the people it moves' is engaging in what I'd call motivated reasoning. Or just reading the two quotes back to back. Which — okay. Which is fair. That is fair.

Look, the agency denies the characterization. That is the official position and this column defends it. Whether 'get them out quick' describes the same operational tempo the senator was describing when she used the word 'terrorizes' — that's not for me to reconcile. That's for the agency's own public statements to reconcile, and they have, by making both of them, in the same week, to two different outlets, without appearing to notice they'd done it.

The record stands as the record stands, and this column has defended it at the length required, whatever that length turned out to reveal.

ICE expands third-country deportations, school bus stops included

ICE expands its toolkit: deportations now go to third countries, with Afghans and others sent to Africa instead of home. The latest claim: arrests at school bus stops. The border czar says it didn’t happen, but the Connecticut senator says it did. The line keeps moving, and the institution keeps broadening its search. A school bus becomes a checkpoint, and an exit from the country can begin anywhere. The receipts are clear: policy expands, denial follows, and the reach grows. The stakes are every kid’s ride home; the bus stop is now a border crossing. If they say it’s just enforcement, the fold proves the zone keeps getting bigger.

The receipts (1)

DHS denies torture at ICE as border czar fires back at Democrats

The Department of Homeland Security has officially denied reports of torture, beatings, and medical neglect in ICE detention facilities, while border officials push back against accusations of terrorizing children. The agency line is airtight: nothing to see here, all procedures followed, allegations baseless. The right’s stance is defensive, dismissing criticism as partisan attacks and insisting on transparency. But the louder the denials, the more the public wonders what is happening behind closed doors. The controversy persists because the receipts keep surfacing: lawsuits, statements, and advocates reporting what DHS claims isn’t happening. The spin is circular—every accusation gets a denial, every denial gets a rebuttal, and the facts sit somewhere in the middle, waiting for daylight. ICE’s defenders claim full compliance, but the gaps remain, and the public is left deciding which side’s receipts to believe. The official narrative is clear; the reality is not.

The receipts (1)

ICE director says 'get them out quick,' then denies agency terrorizes children.

Look, nobody's saying deportation is a spectator sport, and nobody's saying Tom Homan wants it to be one either. When he told reporters, quote, 'get them out quick,' end quote, regarding the removal of Milo Yiannopoulos, that's just efficient federal process. That's - that's just good government, folks, moving cases along instead of letting them sit in some backlog for eighteen months, which, by the way, is a real number, eighteen months, I looked it up, don't quote me on the exact figure. Did I say eighteen months? I don't actually know the average processing time. Moving on.

And when a Democratic senator stood up and said ICE 'terrorizes' children, Director Homan went and took that claim 'head-on,' which is the technical term for holding a press availability and saying, no, we don't do that, we're professionals. And I believe him. I believe the man who, in the same news cycle, described his agency's approach to a deportation case as 'get them out quick.' Those two sentiments coexist fine. They're not related. One is a policy tempo. The other is a rebuttal to a characterization. Two different filing cabinets.

Here's the thing about 'quick' - it doesn't mean anything, is what I'm realizing as I say it out loud. Quick compared to what? Quick like a Band-Aid, quick like you don't want anybody watching too closely, quick like there isn't a lot of process happening in that window? No. No, I don't mean that. I meant quick like the DMV finally calling your number. That's the intended read.

The senator's claim was about children specifically, and the rebuttal was about the agency generally, and I want to be very clear that generally denying something specific is a recognized rhetorical - it's a real thing people do, it's not just something I'm inventing right now under deadline pressure.

Look. The agency has a tempo. The tempo is quick. Whether quick is a good adjective to put next to the word 'kids' is not something I'm prepared to workshop today, but I will say: nobody in that building woke up trying to terrorize a child, they woke up trying to hit a removal number, which, again, not the same thing. Probably. The paperwork doesn't distinguish between quick and gentle, and maybe it should, but that's a design question, not a Tuesday-press-conference question, and I am, God help me, only staffed for the Tuesday press conference.

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